Warwitness
Reports of the new world order as defined by the fascist dictator, AWOL deserter, miserable failure, George W. Bush.
Also exposing the liar, Tony Blair,
and the zionist fascist, Ariel Sharon.
All readers can now post comments on any of the stories in this blog by clicking on the link below.
Monday, February 23, 2004
Noam Chomsky in the New York Times: A Wall as a Weapon
"What this wall is really doing is taking Palestinian lands. It is also — as the Israeli sociologist Baruch Kimmerling has described Israel's war of "politicide" against the Palestinians — helping turn Palestinian communities into dungeons, next to which the bantustans of South Africa look like symbols of freedom, sovereignty and self-determination."
FULL TEXT
"What this wall is really doing is taking Palestinian lands. It is also — as the Israeli sociologist Baruch Kimmerling has described Israel's war of "politicide" against the Palestinians — helping turn Palestinian communities into dungeons, next to which the bantustans of South Africa look like symbols of freedom, sovereignty and self-determination."
FULL TEXT
Friday, February 13, 2004
More than half believe Tony Blair is untrustworthy and dishonest
An online survey of nearly 3000 people has delivered a crushing verdict on Tony Blair's behaviour before, during and after the Iraq war.
A total of 2,890 respondents completed the questionnaire. Questions focused on opinions about the war on Iraq, beliefs about WMD, perceptions of the government, and views about the BBC in the light of the Hutton enquiry’s findings.
More than six in ten (63%) said that military action against Iraq was the wrong thing to do, compared with nearly three in ten (29%) who thought it was the right thing to do.
The survey asked respondents whether they thought that Britain had become more safe or less safe because of the war on Iraq, or whether they thought it had made no difference. Over half the respondents (58%) said they thought Britain had become ‘less safe,’ while only a small proportion (5%) thought war on Iraq had made the country ’more safe’.
An overwhelming majority of respondents felt the case for war had been exaggerated by the American and British governments. Over half also believed the war was not worth the life of even one British soldier. The real reason for this war, as far as most respondents here were concerned was economic rather than world security. The coalition were interested in Iraqi oil reserves.
A majority held that view that the war could not be justified on the grounds that it got rid of Saddam. Few accepted the capture of Saddam as post hoc justification for the war. While over half of respondents rejected the idea that weapons of mass destruction had been not been found because they had been well hidden, there was more mixed opinion that the Iraqis had destroyed any such weapons they had before the war. Over four in ten (43%) respondents accepted this idea, three in ten (31%) rejected it.
Before the war on Iraq, the Prime Minister said he was certain that Saddam Hussein had weapons of mass destruction, such as chemical and biological weapons. More than half of respondents (54%) felt the Prime Minister had distorted information on this issue, while over one in three (37%) felt he had told the truth as he saw it.
Nearly half (55%) said they did not trust Tony Blair while just over one in five (22%) said they trusted Tony Blair to tell the truth now and would continue to do so even if no evidence of WMD emerges. One in seven (15%) said they trusted Tony Blair to tell the truth, but would not trust him any longer if evidence for WMD failed to emerge.
More than two thirds of respondents expressed distrust in the Hutton enquiry, compared with three in ten (30%) who felt it could be trusted.
A modest majority (54%) felt that Mr Blair had not behaved honourably following the death of Dr David Kelly (with 25% saying he had done so) and a larger majority (61%) believed Mr Hoon had acted dishonourably (compared with 13% saying he had done so).
An overwhelming majority of respondents (90%) agreed that Tony Blair wants to be seen as an international statesman. Over half of respondents (59%) agreed that the Prime Minister is more image than substance and that he has always been primarily concerned about his image (54%).
The Prime Minister has in the past been labelled as more Tory in his perspective than Labour. The balance of opinion expressed by respondents here agreed (47%) rather than disagreed (21%) with this view. Many more respondents (47%) felt that Tony Blair is less honest than the average politician; 22% believed he was more honest.
When asked which out of the three major political leaders they would most like to have as their next door neighbour, most opted for Charles Kennedy (65%), with Mr Blair (22%) in second place and Michael Howard (13%) in third spot. Then, when asked which party leader they would most like to spend an evening with, Mr Kennedy (49%) again received the highest number of nominations, but this time Mr Blair closed the gap (36%), with Mr Howard still lagging far behind (15%).
Significantly more respondents felt the BBC had done the right thing in broadcasting the story about the dodgy dossier (71%) than the wrong thing (18%) in this case.
The full survey can be viewed at www.britishlifeproject.co.uk - you simply have to complete a short registration survey to view the results.
A total of 2,890 respondents completed the questionnaire. Questions focused on opinions about the war on Iraq, beliefs about WMD, perceptions of the government, and views about the BBC in the light of the Hutton enquiry’s findings.
More than six in ten (63%) said that military action against Iraq was the wrong thing to do, compared with nearly three in ten (29%) who thought it was the right thing to do.
The survey asked respondents whether they thought that Britain had become more safe or less safe because of the war on Iraq, or whether they thought it had made no difference. Over half the respondents (58%) said they thought Britain had become ‘less safe,’ while only a small proportion (5%) thought war on Iraq had made the country ’more safe’.
An overwhelming majority of respondents felt the case for war had been exaggerated by the American and British governments. Over half also believed the war was not worth the life of even one British soldier. The real reason for this war, as far as most respondents here were concerned was economic rather than world security. The coalition were interested in Iraqi oil reserves.
A majority held that view that the war could not be justified on the grounds that it got rid of Saddam. Few accepted the capture of Saddam as post hoc justification for the war. While over half of respondents rejected the idea that weapons of mass destruction had been not been found because they had been well hidden, there was more mixed opinion that the Iraqis had destroyed any such weapons they had before the war. Over four in ten (43%) respondents accepted this idea, three in ten (31%) rejected it.
Before the war on Iraq, the Prime Minister said he was certain that Saddam Hussein had weapons of mass destruction, such as chemical and biological weapons. More than half of respondents (54%) felt the Prime Minister had distorted information on this issue, while over one in three (37%) felt he had told the truth as he saw it.
Nearly half (55%) said they did not trust Tony Blair while just over one in five (22%) said they trusted Tony Blair to tell the truth now and would continue to do so even if no evidence of WMD emerges. One in seven (15%) said they trusted Tony Blair to tell the truth, but would not trust him any longer if evidence for WMD failed to emerge.
More than two thirds of respondents expressed distrust in the Hutton enquiry, compared with three in ten (30%) who felt it could be trusted.
A modest majority (54%) felt that Mr Blair had not behaved honourably following the death of Dr David Kelly (with 25% saying he had done so) and a larger majority (61%) believed Mr Hoon had acted dishonourably (compared with 13% saying he had done so).
An overwhelming majority of respondents (90%) agreed that Tony Blair wants to be seen as an international statesman. Over half of respondents (59%) agreed that the Prime Minister is more image than substance and that he has always been primarily concerned about his image (54%).
The Prime Minister has in the past been labelled as more Tory in his perspective than Labour. The balance of opinion expressed by respondents here agreed (47%) rather than disagreed (21%) with this view. Many more respondents (47%) felt that Tony Blair is less honest than the average politician; 22% believed he was more honest.
When asked which out of the three major political leaders they would most like to have as their next door neighbour, most opted for Charles Kennedy (65%), with Mr Blair (22%) in second place and Michael Howard (13%) in third spot. Then, when asked which party leader they would most like to spend an evening with, Mr Kennedy (49%) again received the highest number of nominations, but this time Mr Blair closed the gap (36%), with Mr Howard still lagging far behind (15%).
Significantly more respondents felt the BBC had done the right thing in broadcasting the story about the dodgy dossier (71%) than the wrong thing (18%) in this case.
The full survey can be viewed at www.britishlifeproject.co.uk - you simply have to complete a short registration survey to view the results.
Tuesday, February 10, 2004
Nokia wins mobile network deal in Iraq
The Register: "Nokia has secured a deal for building a GSM mobile telephone network in the south of Iraq"
The story concludes: "Mobile phones were strictly banned under Saddam Hussein's dictatorial regime." Not strictly true. Our mobiles were taken away from us at the border (mine wasn't, cos it was a Handspring Treo that I told them was a PDA), but the reason for no mobiles was that sanctions prevented the cellphone infrastructure from being maintained. Satellite phones were in use by the media.
The story concludes: "Mobile phones were strictly banned under Saddam Hussein's dictatorial regime." Not strictly true. Our mobiles were taken away from us at the border (mine wasn't, cos it was a Handspring Treo that I told them was a PDA), but the reason for no mobiles was that sanctions prevented the cellphone infrastructure from being maintained. Satellite phones were in use by the media.
Monday, February 02, 2004
Hutton Report survey
The British Life and Internet Project is a collaboration between the Independent Digital Group, Sheffield University, The City University and eDigitalResearch.com. You completed an online form on the Independent Digital web site to allow us to send you surveys from the Project.
This is the first survey of 2004. It asks for your detailed opinion on what you think about the events leading up to the Hutton enquiry, the enquiry itself and the people involved.
The link to the survey is below - just click on it and you will be taken to the survey. It will take approximately 15 minutes to complete.
Topline results from this survey will be available from the site from the end of February.
http://www.britishlifeproject.co.uk/panel/index/912028137/411kcOjYwlW4FXC/
Thank you for your time and input into this important piece of research.
Regards
Lisa Bonczyk
info@britishlifeproject.co.uk
This is the first survey of 2004. It asks for your detailed opinion on what you think about the events leading up to the Hutton enquiry, the enquiry itself and the people involved.
The link to the survey is below - just click on it and you will be taken to the survey. It will take approximately 15 minutes to complete.
Topline results from this survey will be available from the site from the end of February.
http://www.britishlifeproject.co.uk/panel/index/912028137/411kcOjYwlW4FXC/
Thank you for your time and input into this important piece of research.
Regards
Lisa Bonczyk
info@britishlifeproject.co.uk
Sunday, February 01, 2004
New York Times: The Shiite surge in Iraq
The clerics in Najaf say they don't want a secular, Westernized Iraq. So what do they want?
" . . . if the war seems distant, God is everywhere. In the Shiite regions, the images of Saddam Hussein that glowered in various poses from countless walls and ceremonial arches were almost immediately replaced, after the fall of his government, by images of Imam Ali, son-in-law of the Prophet Muhammad, and his son, Imam Hussein. These are the most revered of the first Shiite imams, martyred during the schism in early Islam that divided Muslims into Shiites and Sunnis. Imam Ali was assassinated in a mosque in Kufa, near Najaf, in 661; Imam Hussein was killed in battle near Karbala in 680 in a vain attempt to defeat the Sunni forces he viewed as having usurped his right to the caliphate.
In the markets of Najaf, the Shiite spiritual and academic center, as elsewhere in any heavily Shiite area of Iraq from Baghdad to Basra, you can buy garishly colored posters and cheaply woven rugs with images of Imam Ali and Imam Hussein. Shop windows all over Shiite Iraq are adorned with poster portraits not only of the first Shiite imams but also of more recent martyrs -- the Shiite imams murdered during Saddam Hussein's 33-year rule. There are portraits of Ayatollah Muhammad Bakr al-Sadr, a cleric who, along with his sister, was executed in Baghdad in 1980. There are portraits of Ayatollah Muhammad Sadiq al-Sadr, a member of the same family of clerics, who was assassinated in 1999, probably on Saddam Hussein's orders. And there are also portraits of Ayatollah Muhammad Bakr al-Hakim, who returned from exile in Iran after the fall of Saddam Hussein, only to be killed in Najaf last August by a car bomb that also took the lives of more than 80 of his followers. "
FULL STORY
The clerics in Najaf say they don't want a secular, Westernized Iraq. So what do they want?
" . . . if the war seems distant, God is everywhere. In the Shiite regions, the images of Saddam Hussein that glowered in various poses from countless walls and ceremonial arches were almost immediately replaced, after the fall of his government, by images of Imam Ali, son-in-law of the Prophet Muhammad, and his son, Imam Hussein. These are the most revered of the first Shiite imams, martyred during the schism in early Islam that divided Muslims into Shiites and Sunnis. Imam Ali was assassinated in a mosque in Kufa, near Najaf, in 661; Imam Hussein was killed in battle near Karbala in 680 in a vain attempt to defeat the Sunni forces he viewed as having usurped his right to the caliphate.
In the markets of Najaf, the Shiite spiritual and academic center, as elsewhere in any heavily Shiite area of Iraq from Baghdad to Basra, you can buy garishly colored posters and cheaply woven rugs with images of Imam Ali and Imam Hussein. Shop windows all over Shiite Iraq are adorned with poster portraits not only of the first Shiite imams but also of more recent martyrs -- the Shiite imams murdered during Saddam Hussein's 33-year rule. There are portraits of Ayatollah Muhammad Bakr al-Sadr, a cleric who, along with his sister, was executed in Baghdad in 1980. There are portraits of Ayatollah Muhammad Sadiq al-Sadr, a member of the same family of clerics, who was assassinated in 1999, probably on Saddam Hussein's orders. And there are also portraits of Ayatollah Muhammad Bakr al-Hakim, who returned from exile in Iran after the fall of Saddam Hussein, only to be killed in Najaf last August by a car bomb that also took the lives of more than 80 of his followers. "
FULL STORY
